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当地时机油等级,448页通俄陈说出炉!美官方总结关键查询成果(之二),乳酸菌素片间4月18日周四上午,美国司法部揭露了“通俄门”特别查询组陈说的修订版全文。

“通俄门”查询由特别检察官穆勒主导,查询陈说分为上下两册,别离解说“勾通俄国”和“阻止司法”两个议题。司法部律师已隐去大陪审团资料、情报组织收集的秘要信息、与正在进行的查询有关的资料。

与此前现已发布过的四页司法部总结比较,这份长达448页的陈说全文供给了关于穆勒查询的更为丰厚的细节,被遮盖的内容也比此前外界意料的要少。

美国司法部长、共和党人威廉巴尔在周四的新闻发布会上称,“经过将近两年的查询、数千次传唤、数百个搜寻令和证人问询,特别检察官(穆勒)证明,俄罗斯政府资助了干与2016年美国总统大选的不合法行为,但没有发现特朗普的竞选团队或其他美国人与俄罗斯的行为进行勾通。”

陈说全文发布后,特朗普在推特上对穆勒进行了进犯。他发文称,穆勒长达22个月的查询是“有史以来最大的政治圈套”,是对“总统的打扰”。

最全国(ID:theveryworld)独家翻译了陈说的实行摘要部分。本篇为第二部分,有关特朗普是否阻止司法的查询。此外请留心最全国一起发布的陈说榜首部分,有关俄罗斯干与美国大选和特朗普竞选团队与俄罗斯的联络。

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY TO VOLUME II

第二卷实行摘要

Our obstruction-of-justice inquiry focused on a series of actions by the President that related to the Russian-interference investigations, including the President‘s conduct towards the law enforcement officials overseeing the investigations and the witnesses to relevant events。

咱们的波折司法查询侧重于总统与俄罗斯干与查询有关的一系列行为,包含总统对监督查询的法令官员和相关作业的证人的行为。

FACTUAL RESULTS OF THE OBSTRUCTION INVESTIGATION

阻止查询的现实成果

The key issues and events we examined include the following:

The Campaign‘s response to reports abhttpwwwzfxcnout Russian support for Trump。 During the 2016 presidential campaign, questions arose about the Russian government’s apparent support for candidate Trump。 After WikiLeaks released politically damaging Democratic Party emails that were reported to have been hacked by Russia, Trump publicly expressed skepticism that Russia was responsible for the hacks at the same time that he and other Campaign officials privately sought information ■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■ about any further planned WikiLeaks releases。 Trump also denied having any business in or connections to Russia, even though as late as June 2016 the Trump Organization had been pursuing a licensing deal for a skyscraper to be built in Russia called Trump Tower Moscow。 After the election, the President expressed concerns to advisors that reports of Russia‘s election interference might lead the public to question the legitimacy of his election。

咱们研讨的首要问题和作业包含:

竞选团队对有关俄罗斯支撑特朗普的报导做出了回应。在2016年总统竞选期间,人们对俄罗斯政府对提名人特朗普的显着支撑提出了质疑。在维基解密发布了据报导称遭到俄罗斯黑客进犯的,具有政治破坏性的民主党电子邮件后,特朗普揭露标明置疑俄罗斯应对这些黑客进犯担任,与此一起,他和其他竞选官员暗里寻求有关维基解密进一步开释方案的信息[删减]。特朗普还否定在俄罗斯有任何事务或与俄罗斯有任何联络,尽管直到2016年6月,特朗普集团还期望为在俄罗斯缔造一座名为“莫斯科特朗普大厦”的摩天大楼寻求答应。推举完毕后,总统向参谋们标明,忧虑有关俄罗斯干与推举的报导或许会导致大众质疑他中选的合法性。

Conduct involving FBI Director Comey and Michael Flynn。 In mid-January 2017, incoming National Security Advisor Michael Flynn falsely denied to the Vice President, other administration officials, and FBI agents that he had talked to Russian Ambassador Sergey Kislyak about Russia‘s response to U.S。 sanctions on Russia for its election interference。 On January 27, the day after the President was told that Flynn had lied to the Vice President and had made similar statements to the FBI, the President invited FBI Director Comey to a private dinner at the White House and told Comey that he needed loyalty。 On February 14, the day after the President requested Flynn’s resignation, the President told an outside advisor, “Now that we fired Flynn, the Russia thing is over。” The advisor disagreed and said the investigations would continue。

触及联邦查询局局长科米和迈克尔弗林的行为。2017年1月中旬,新任国家安全参谋迈克尔弗林向副总统、其他政府官员和联邦查询局奸细作出虚伪陈说,他否定说自己曾与俄罗斯大使谢尔盖基斯利亚克谈过俄罗斯对美国因其推举干与而对俄罗斯施行制裁的反响。1月27日,就在总统被奉告弗林对副总统说谎,并向联邦查询局宣告了相似声明的第二天,总统约请联邦查询局局长科米到白宫参加一次私家晚宴,并通知科米他需求忠诚。2月14日,在总统要求弗林辞去职务的第二天,总统通知一名外部参谋,“已然咱们辞退了弗林,俄罗斯的作业就完毕了。”这位参谋标明不同意,并标明查询将持续进行。

Later that afternoon, the President cleared the Oval Office to have a one-on-one meeting with Comey。 Referring to the FBI‘s investigation of Flynn, the President said, “I hope you can see your way clear to letting this go, to letting Flynn go。 He is a good guy。 I hope you can let this go。” Shortly after requesting Flynn’s resignation and speaking privately to Comey, the President sought to have Deputy National Security Advisor K.T。 McFarland draft an internal letter stating that the President had not directed Flynn to discuss sanctions with Kislyak。 McFarland declined because she did not know whether that was true, and a White House Counsel‘s Office attorney thought that the request would look like a quid pro quo for an ambassadorship she had been offered。

当全国午晚些时候,总统清空椭圆形办公室,与科米进行一对一的谈判。说到联邦查询局对弗林的查询,总统说:“我期望你能清楚地看到,你能够让这件事曩昔,让弗林走。他是个好人。我期望你能放下这件事。” 在要求弗林辞去职务并与科米暗里攀谈后不久,总统企图让副国家安全参谋K.T。麦克法兰起草一封内部信函,声明总统没有指示弗林与基斯利亚克评论制裁问题。麦克法兰回绝了,由于她不知道这是否现实。白宫法令参谋办公室的一名律师以为,这一恳求看起来像是录用她成为大使的交换条件。

The President‘s reaction to the continuing Russia investigation。 In February 2017, Attorney General Jeff Sessions began to assess whether he had to recuse himself from campaign- related investigations because of his role in the Trump Campaign。 In early March, the President told White House Counsel Donald McGahn to stop Sessions from recusing。 And after Sessions announced his recusal on March 2, the President expressed anger at the decision and told advisors that he should have an Attorney General who would protect him。 That weekend, the President took Sessions aside at an event and urged him to “unrecuse。” Later in March, Comey publicly disclosed at a congressional hearing that the FBI was investigating the Russian government’s efforts to interfere in the 2016 presidential election,“ including any links or coordination between the Russian government and the Trump Campaign。 In the following days, the President reached out to the Director of National Intelligence and the leaders of the Cent机油等级,448页通俄陈说出炉!美官方总结关键查询成果(之二),乳酸菌素片ral Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the Ndvf裹身裙ational Security Agency (NSA) to ask them what they could do to publicly dispel the suggestion that the President had any connection to the Russian election-interference effort。 The President also twice called Comey directly, notwithstanding guidance from McGahn to avoid direct contacts with the Department of Justice。 Comey had previously assured the President that the FBI was not investigating him personally, and the President asked Comey to ”lift the cloud” of the Russia investigation by saying that publicly。

总统对持续性俄罗斯查询的反响。2017年2月,考虑到他在特朗普竞选中的人物,司法部长杰夫塞申斯开端考虑是否有必要退出与竞选相关的查询。3月初,总统通知白宫法令参谋唐纳德麦加恩不要让塞申斯躲避。在塞申斯于3月2日宣告躲避后,总统对这一决议标明愤恨,并通知参谋们,他应该有一个司法部长来维护他。那个周末,总统在一次活动中把塞申斯拉到一边,敦促他“别躲避”。3月晚些时候,科米在国会听证会上揭露宣告,联邦查询局正在查询俄罗斯政府干与2016年总统推举的行为,“包含俄罗斯政府与特朗普竞选团队之间的任何联络或协作。” 在接下来的几天里,总统联络了国家情报主任以及中央情报局和国家安全局的领导人,问询他们能够做些什么来揭露批驳关于总统与俄罗斯干与推举的尽力有任何联络的说法。尽管麦克加恩指示他防止与司法部直接触摸,总统仍两次直接打电话给科米。科米此前曾向总统保证,联邦查询局不会亲身查询他,总统要求科米揭露标明这一点,来拨注册俄查询的阴云。

The President‘s termination of Comey。 On May 3, 2017, Comey testified in a congressional hearing, but declined to answer questions about whether the President was personally under investigation。 Within days, the President decided to terminate Comey。 The President insisted that the termination letter, which was written for public release, state that Comey had informed the President that he was not under investigation。 The day of the firing, the White House maintained that Comey’s termination resulted from independent recommendations from the Attorney General and Deputy Attorney General that Comey should be discharged for mishandling the Hillary Clinton email investigation。 But the President had decided to fire Comey before hearing from the Department of Justice。 The day aft老罗语录全集er firing Comey, the President told Russian officials that he had “faced great pressure because of Russia,” which had been “taken off” by Comey‘s firing。 The next day, the President acknowledged in a television interview that he was going to fire Comey regardless of the Department of Justice’s recommendation and that when he “decided to just do it,” he was thinking that “this thing with Trump and Russia is a made-up story。“ In response to a question about whether he was angry with Comey about the Russia investigation, the President said, ”As far as I‘m concerned, I want that thing to be absolutely done properly,“ adding that firing Comey ”might even lengthen out the investigation。“

总统辞退科米。2017年5月3日,科米在国会听证会上作证,但回绝答复有关总统自己是否正在承受查询的问题。几天之内,总统决议停止科米的职务。总统坚称,为揭露宣告而写的辞退信里说,科米已通知总统,他(特朗普)不在承受查询之列。辞退当天,白宫坚持以为,科米的离任源于司法部长和副司法部长独立的判别,即科米应因处理希拉里克林顿邮件查询不妥而被免去。但在听取司法部的定见之前,总统已决议辞退科米。在辞退科米的第二天,总统通知俄罗斯官员,他“由于俄罗斯而面对巨大的压力”,而辞退科米后总算摆脱了这一点。第二天,总统在一次电视采访中供认,不管司法部的主张怎么,他都会辞退科米,当他“决议这么做”时,他以为“特朗普和俄罗斯勾通的作业是虚拟的。”在答复关于他是否对科米对俄罗斯的查询感到愤恨的问题时,总统说,“就我而言,我期望这件事能恰当地完结,”他弥补说,辞退科米“乃至或许会延伸查询的时刻”。

The appointment of a Special Counsel and efforts to remove him。 On May 17, 2017, the Acting Attorney General for the Russia investigation appointed a Special Counsel to conduct the investigation and related matters。 The President reacted to news that a Special Counsel鬼豪野外 had been appointed by telling advisors that it was the end of his presidency“ and demanding that Sessions resign。 Sessions submitted his resignation, but the President ultimately did not accept it。 The President told aides that the Special Counsel had conflicts of interest and suggested that the Special Counsel therefore could not serve。 The President‘s advisors told him the asserted conflicts were meritless and had already been considered by the Department of Justice。

特别检察官的录用和革除他的行为。2017年5月17安美露为什么是禁药日,通俄查询署理司法部长录用了一名特别检察官进行查询和相关事项。总统对录用了一名特别检察官的音讯作出的反响是,他通知参谋这会是自己总统任期的结尾,并要求塞申斯辞去职务。塞申斯提交了他的辞呈,但总统终究没有承受。总统通知帮手,特别检察官存在利益抵触,因而主张不录用特别检察官。总统参谋通知他说,所谓的抵触毫无价值,并且这现已得到司法部的审议。

On June 14, 2017, the media reported that the Special Counsel‘s Office was investigating whether the President had obstructed justice。 Press reports called this “a major turning point” in the investigation: while Co北京电视台黄金海岸培训中心mey had told the President he was not under investigation, following Comey’s firing, the President now was under investigation。 The President reacted to this news with a series of tweets criticizing the Department of Justice and the Special Counsel‘s investigation。 On June 17, 2017, the President called McGahn at home and directed him to call the Acting Attorney General and say that the Special Counsel had conflicts of interest mamiwand must be removed。 McGahn did not carry out the direction, however, deciding that he would resign rather than trigger what he regarded as a potential Saturday Night Massacre。

2017年6月14日,媒体报导说,特别检察官办公室正在查询总统是否阻止司法。新闻报导称这是查询的“一个严重转折点”:科米通知总统说他没有被查询,但是在科米被辞退后,总统却正在承受查询。对这一音讯,总统宣告了一系列推文冲击司法部和特别检察官的查询。2017年6月17日,总统在家里打电话给麦加恩,指示他打电话给署理司法部长,说特别检察官有利益抵触,有必要免职。但是,麦加恩并没有实行指令,他决议辞去职务,而不是触发他以为或许呈现的“周六夜间大屠杀“(编者注:指尼克松总统辞退水门作业查询官的一系列作业)。

Efforts to curtail the Special Counsel‘s investigation。 Two days after directing McGahn to have the Special Counsel removed, the President made another attempt to affect the course of the Russia investigation。 On June 19, 2017, the P花惠生resident met one-on-one in the Oval Office with his former campaign manager Corey Lewandowski, a trusted advisor outside the government, and dictated a message for Lewandowski to deliver to Sessions。 The message said that Sessions should publicly announce that, notwithstanding his recusal from the Russia investigation, the investigation was “very unfair” to the President, the President had done nothing wrong, and Sessions planned to meet with the Special Counsel and “let [him] move forward with investigating election meddling for future elections。” Lewandowski said he understood what the President wanted Sessions to do。

约束特别检察官查询的尽力。在指示麦加恩将特别检察官免职两天后,总统又企图影响俄罗斯的查询进程。2017年6月19日,总统在椭圆形办公室接见会面了他的前竞选经理科里莱万多夫斯基——一位政府外值得信任的参谋,并向莱万多夫斯基传达了一条信息。音讯说,塞申斯应揭露宣告查询对总统“十分不公平”——尽管塞申斯已躲避通俄查询,但总统没有做错任何作业,并且塞申斯将方案接见会面特别检察官,“让他持续查询对未来推举的干与”。莱万多夫斯基说,他了解总统期望塞申斯做些什么。

One month later, in another private meeting with Lewandowski on July 19, 2017, the President asked about the status of his message for Sessions to limit VGprothe Special Counsel investigation to future election interference。 Lewandowski told the President that the message would be delivered soon。 Hours after that meeting, the President publicly criticized Sessions in an interview with the New York Times, and then issued a series of tweets making it clear that Sessions‘s job was in jeopardy。 Lewandowski did not want to deliver the President’s message personally, so he asked senior White House official Rick Dearborn to deliver it to Sessions。 Dearborn was uncomfortable with the task and did not follow through。

一个月后,在2017年7月19日与莱万多夫斯基举办的另一次非揭露会议上,总统问询了他向塞申斯宣告的指令的现状,行将特别检察官的查询约束在往后的推举干与上。莱万多夫斯基对总统说,指令很快就会宣告。几个小时后,总统在承受《纽约时报》采访时揭露批判了塞申斯,然后发布了一系列推文,清晰标明塞申斯的作业危如累卵。莱万多夫斯基不想亲身传达总统的信息,因而他请白宫高级官员里克迪尔伯恩向塞申斯传达这一信息。迪尔伯恩对这项任务感到不自在,没有遵循下去。

Efforts to prevent public disclosure of evidence。 In the summer of 2017, the President learned that media outlets were asking questions about the June 9, 2016 meeting at Trump Tower between senior campaign officials, including Donald Trump Jr。, and a Russian lawyer who was said to be offering damaging information about Hillary Clinton as “part of Russia and its government‘s support for Mr。 Trump。” On several occasions, the President directed aides not to publicly disclose the emails setting up the June 9 meeting, suggesting that the emails would not leak and that the number of lawyers with access to them should be limited。 Before the emai蔡开冰ls became public, the President edited a press statement for Trump Jr。 by deleting a line that acknowledged that the meeting was with “an individual who [Trump Jr。] was told might have information helpful to the campaign” and instead said only that the meet小吉铃ing was about adoptions of Russian children。 When the press asked questions about the President’s involvement in Trump Jr。‘s statement, the President’s personal lawyer repeatedly denied the President had played any role

防止揭露宣告依据的尽力。2017年夏天,总统了解到,媒体组织正在就2016年6月9日在特朗普大厦举办会议提出质疑,其间包含竞选的高级官员小唐纳德特朗普和一名俄罗斯律师。据称,这名律师供给了有关希拉里克林顿的破坏性信息,作为“俄罗斯及其政府对特朗普支撑的一部分”。总统曾屡次指示帮手不要揭露组织6月9日会议的电子邮件,暗示这些电子邮件不能被走漏,能够触摸到这些电子邮件的律师人数应该遭到约束。在这些电子邮件揭露之前,总统为小特朗普修改了一份新闻声明,其间删除了一句供认说会议是与“一个人被奉告或许有对竞选有协助的信息”的话。终究仅仅说,这次会议是关于俄罗斯儿童的收养问题。当媒体就总统参加小特朗普的声明提出质疑时,总统的私家律师再三否定总统发挥了任何效果。

Further efforts to have the Attorney General take control of the investigation。 In early summer 2017, the President called Sessions at home and again asked him to reverse his recusal from the Russia investigation.2 Sessions did not reverse his recusal。 In October 2017, the President met privately with Sessions in the Oval Office and asked him to “take [a] look” at investigating Clinton。 In December 2017, shortly after Flynn pleaded guilty pursuant to a cooperation agreement, the President met with Sessions in the Oval Office and suggested, according to notes taken by a senior advisor, that if Sessions unrecused and took back supervision of the Russia investigation, he would be a ”hero。” The President told Sessions, “I‘m not going to do anything or direct you to do anything。 I just want to be treated fairly。” In response, Sessions volunteered that he had never seen anything ”improper” on the campaign and told the President there was a “whole new leadership team” in place。 He did not unrecuse。

进一步尽力使司法部长把握查询的操控权。2017年夏初,总统打电话给塞申斯,再次要求他吊销通俄查询。2017年10月,总统在椭圆形办公室与塞申斯暗里接见会面,要求他“看看”对克林顿的查询。2017年12月,在弗林依据一项协作协议认罪后不久,总统在椭圆形办公室接见会面了塞申斯,依据一名高级参谋的记载,他暗示,假如塞申斯不躲避,并康复对俄罗斯查询的监督,他将是一个“英豪”。总统对塞申斯说:“我不会做任何事,也不会指令你做任何事。我只想得到公平的对待。“作为回应,塞申斯毛遂自荐地标明,他从未在竞选活动中看到任何“不妥”之处,并通知总统有一支“全新的领导团队”到位。他没有抛弃躲避。

Efforts to have McGahn deny that the President had ordered him to have the Special Counsel removed。 In early 2018, the press reported that the President had directed McGahn to have the Special Counsel removed in June 2017 and that McGahn had threatened to resign rather than carry out the order。 The President reacted to the news stories by directing White House officials to tell McGahn to dispute the story and create a record stating he had not been ordered to have the Special Counsel removed.1 McGahn told those officials that the media reports were accurate in stating that the President had directed McGahn to have the Special Counsel removed。 The President then met with McGahn in the Oval Of机油等级,448页通俄陈说出炉!美官方总结关键查询成果(之二),乳酸菌素片fice and again pressured him to deny the reports。 In the same meeting, the President also asked McGahn wh顾靳渊y he had told the Special Counsel about the President‘s effort to remove the Special Counsel and why McGahn took notes of his conversations with the President。 McGahn refused to back away from what he remembered happening and perceived the President to be testing his mettle。

要求麦加恩否定吉田宗洋总统曾指令他调换特别检察官的行为。2018年头,媒体报导称,总统已指示麦加恩于2017年6月革除特别检察官,麦加威胁要辞去职务,而不是实行这一指令。总统对新闻的反响是指示白宫官员通知麦加恩要对这个故事提出异议,并发明一项记载标明他没有接到指令去辞退特别检察官。麦加恩通知这些官员,媒体的报导是精确的,说总统已指示麦加恩,并再次向他施压,要求他否定这些报导。在同一次会议上,总统还问麦加恩,为什么他通知特别检察官总统为革除他所作的尽力,为什么麦加恩记下他与总统的说话。麦加恩回绝抛弃他回忆中发作的作业,并以为总统在检测他的意志。

Conduct towards Flynn, Manafort, ■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■ After Flynn withdrew from a joint defense agreement with the President and began cooperating with the government, the President‘s personal counsel left a message for Flynn’s attorneys reminding them of the President‘s warm feelings towards Flynn, which he said “still remains,” and asking for a “heads up” if Flynn knew “information that implicates the President。” When Flynn’s counsel reiterated 偶的大学生活that Flynn could no longer share info机油等级,448页通俄陈说出炉!美官方总结关键查询成果(之二),乳酸菌素片rmation pursuant to a joint defense agreement, the President‘s personal counsel said he would make sure that the President knew that Flynn’s actions reflected “hostility” towards the President.2 During Manafort‘s prosecution and when the jury in his criminal trial was deliberating, the President praised Manafort in public, said that Manafort was being treated unfairly, a香港中环有什么好玩的nd declined to rule out a pardon。 After Manafort was convicted, the President called Manafort “a brave man” for refusing to ”break” and said that “flipping” “almost ought to be outlawed。” ■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■

针对福林、马纳福特和[删减]的行为。在弗林退出与总统的联合辩解协议并开端与政府协作后,总统的私家参谋给弗林的律师留下了一条信息,提示他们总统对弗林的热心,他着重说这“依然存在“,并标明假如弗林知道“牵连到总统的音讯”,他需求“留意一下”。当弗林的律师重申,依据一项联合辩解协议,弗林不能再共享信息时,总统的私家律师说,他将保证总统知道弗林的行为反映出对总统的“歹意”。在马纳福特被申述期间和刑事审判中的陪审团协商时,总统在揭露场合赞扬了马纳福特,他说马纳福特遭到了不公平的待遇,并回绝扫除赦宥的或许性。马纳福特被判有罪后总总称马纳福特是“一个勇敢的人”,由于他回绝“打破”,并说,“翻转”“简直应该是不合法的。”[删减]

Conduct involving Michael Cohen。 The President‘s conduct towards Michael Cohen, a former Trump Organization executive, changed from praise for Cohen when he falsely minimized the President’s involvement in the Trump Tower Moscow project, to castigation of Cohen when he became a cooperating witness。 From September 2015 to June 2016, Cohen had pursued the Trump Tower Moscow project on behalf of the Trump Organization and had briefed candidate Trump on the project numerous times, including discussing whether Trump should travel to Russia to advance the deal。 In 2017, Cohen provided false testimony to Congress about the project, including stating that he had only briefed Trump on the project three times and never discussed travel to Russia with him, in an effort to adhere to a “party line” that Cohen said was developed to minimize the President‘s connections to Russia。 While preparing for his congressional testimony, Cohen had extensive discussions with the President’s personal counsel, who, according to Cohen, said that Cohen should stay on message“ and not contradict the President。 After the FBI searched Cohen‘s home and office in April 2018, the President publicly asserted that Cohen would not ”flip,“ contacted him directly to tell him to stay strong,” and privately passed messages of support to him。 Cohen also discussed pardons with the President’s personal counsel and believed that if he stayed on message he would be taken care of。 But after Cohen began cooperating with the government in the summer of 2018, the President publicly criticized him, called him a “rat,” and suggested that his family members had committed crimes。

触及迈克尔科恩的行为。总统对特朗普集团前高管迈克尔科恩的情绪,在科恩虚伪陈说时降低了总统对特朗普大厦莫斯科项目的参加度时是称誉,当科恩成为协作证人又变成批判。2015年9月至2016年6月,科恩代表特朗普集团推动特朗普大厦莫斯科项目,并屡次向提名人特朗普介绍该项目,包含评论特朗普是否应前往俄罗斯推动该协议。2017年,科恩就该项目向国会供给了虚伪证词,例如他标明,他只向特朗普扼要介绍了该项目三次,从未与他评论过前往俄罗斯的问题,以尽力据守党派底线。科恩说,拟定这条道路是为了尽量削减总统与俄罗斯的联络。在预备他的国会证词时,科恩与总统的私家律师进行了广泛的评论,据科恩说,律师说科恩应该说该说的话“而不是辩驳总统”。2018年4月,美国联邦查询局搜寻了科恩的家和办公室后,总统揭露声称科恩不会“争吵”,他直接联络了他,让他坚持刚强,“并暗里传递了支撑他的信息”。科恩还与总统的私家律师评论了赦宥问题,并以为假如他持续说该说的话,他就会得到照料。但在2018年夏天科恩开端与政府协作后,总统揭露批判称科恩为“老鼠”,并暗示他的家人犯下了罪过。

Overarching factual issues。 We did not make a traditional prosecution decision about these facts, but the evidence we obtained supports several general statements about the President‘s conduct。

首要的现实问题。咱们没有就这些现实作出传统的申述决议,但咱们取得的依据能够支撑关于总统行为的几项一般性声明。

Second, unlike cases in which a subject engages in obstruction of justice to cover up a crime, the evidence we obtained did not establish that the President was involved in an underlying crime related to Russian election interference。 Although the obstruction statutes do not require proof of such a crime, the absence of that evidence affects the analysis of the President‘s intent and requir机油等级,448页通俄陈说出炉!美官方总结关键查询成果(之二),乳酸菌素片es consideration of other possible motives for his conduct。 Third, many of the President’s acts directed at witnesses, including discouragement of cooperation with the government and suggestions of possible future pardons, took place in public view。 That circumstance is unusual, but no principle of law excludes public acts from the reach of the obstruction laws。 If the likely effect of public acts is to influence witnesses or alter their testimony, the harm to the justice system‘s integrity is the same。

第二,与某一主体为掩盖罪过而波折司法的状况不同,咱们取得的依据并未证明总统参加了与俄罗斯干与推举有关的潜在罪过。尽管波折法规并不要求供给这种罪过的依据,但缺少这种依据影响了对总统目的的剖析,并要求考虑其行为的其他或许动机。第三,总统针对证人的许多行为,包含不鼓舞与政府协作和关于往后或许赦宥的主张,都是在大众视界中发作的。这种状况是不寻常的,但没有任何法令准则将公共行为扫除在波折法令规模之外。假如公共行为的或许结果是影响证人或改动其证词,则对司法体系完整性的危害也是相同的。

Although the series of events we investigated involved discrete acts, the overall pattern of the President‘s conduct towards the investigations can shed light on the nature of the President’s acts and the inferences that can be drawn about his intent。 In particular, the actions we investigated can be divided into two phases, reflecting a possible shift in the Presid淳安县汪家桥村ent‘s motives。 The first phase covered the period from the President’s first interactions with Comey through the President‘s f诡案侦办组iring of Comey。 During that time, the President had been repeatedly told he was not personally under investigation。 Soon after the firing of Comey and the appointment of the Special Counsel, however, the President became aware that his own conduct was being investigated in an obstruction-of-justice inquiry。 At that point, the President engaged in a second phase of conduct, involving public attacks on the investigation, non-public efforts to control it, and efforts in both public and private to encourage witnesses not to cooperate with the investigation。 Judgments about the nature of the President’s motives during each phase would be informed by the totality of the evide机油等级,448页通俄陈说出炉!美官方总结关键查询成果(之二),乳酸菌素片nce。

尽管咱们查询的一系列作业触及零星的行为,但对总统行为进行查询的整体形式能够阐明其性质,并能够对他的目的作出揣度。值得留意的是,咱们查询的行为能够分为两个阶段,反映了总统动机或许发作的改变。榜首阶段包含从总统与科米的榜首次互动到总统辞退科米的这段时刻。在此期间,总统屡次被奉告他自己没有遭到查询。但是,在科米被辞退和录用特别检察官后不久,总统认识到他自己的行为正承受是否阻止司法的查询。其时,总统进行了第二阶段的行为,包含揭露进犯查询,非揭露地操控查询,以及揭露和暗里里鼓舞证人不配合查询。在每一阶段对总统动机的性质的判别将以悉数依据为依据。

STATUTORY AND CONSTITUTIONAL DEFENSES

法定抗辩和宪法抗辩

The President‘s counsel raised statutory and constitutional defenses to a possible obstruction-of-justice analysis of the conduct we investigated。 We concluded that none of those legal defenses provided a basis for declining to investigate the facts。

总统的律师对咱们查询的行为进行了或许的波折司法剖析,提出了法定辩解和宪法辩解。咱们的定论是,这些法令辩解都没有供给回绝查询现实的依据。

Statutory defenses。 Consistent with precedent and the Department of Justice‘s general approach to interpreting obstruction statutes, we concluded that several statutes could apply here。 See 18 U.S.C。 1503, 1505, 1512(b)(3), 1512(c)(2)。 Section 1512(c)(2) is an omnibus obstruction-of-justice provision that covers a range of obstructive acts directed at pending or contemplated official proceedings。 No principle of statutory construction justifies narrowing the provision to cover only conduct that impairs the integrity or availability of evidence。 Sections 1503 and 1505 also offer broad protection agains大伯母t obstructive acts directed at pending grand jury, judicial, administrative, and congressional proceedings, and they are supplemented by a provision in Section 1512(b) aimed specifically at conduct intended to prevent or hinder the communication to law enforcement of information related to a federal crime。

法定抗辩。依据先例和律政司解说波折法规的一般做法,咱们的定论是,这儿能够适用几项法规。详见18 U.S.C。1503、1505、1512(B)(3)、1512(C)(2)。第1512(C)(2)条是一项总结性的波折司法规则,包含一系列针对待决或想象的正式诉讼的波折行为。任何法定的解说准则都没有理由将规则的规模缩小到只包含危害依据的完整性或可得性的行为。第1503和1505条还供给了广泛的维护,使其免受针对待审大陪审团、司法、行政和国会程序的波折行为,第1512(b)条中还弥补了一项条款,专门针对旨在防止或阻止向法令组织通报与联邦罪过有关的信息的行为。

Constitutional defenses。 As for constitutional defenses arising from the President‘s status as the head of the Executive Branch, we recognized that the Department of Justice and the courts have not definitively resolved these issues。 We therefore examined those issues through the framework established by Supreme Court precedent governing separation-of-powers issues。 The Department of Justice and the President’s personal counsel have recognized that the President is subject to statutes that prohibit obstruction of justice by bribing a witness or suborning perjury because that conduct does not implicate his constitutional authority。 With respect to whether the President can be found to have obstructed justice by exercising his powers under Article II of the Constitution, we concluded that Congress has authority to prohibit a President‘s corrupt use of his authority in order to protect the integrity of the administration of justice。

宪法抗辩。至于总统作为行政首长的位置所引起的宪法辩解,咱们认识到司法部和法院没有终究处理这些问题。因而,咱们经过最高法院建立的权利分立问题先例结构检查了这些问题。司法部和总统的私家律师供认,总统有必要恪守制止贿赂证人或制止供给伪证来阻止司法的法规,由于这种行为并不触及他的宪法权利。关于总统是否因行使“宪法”第二条规则的权利而阻止司法的问题,咱们的定论是,为维护司法的完整性,国会有权制止总统乱用其权利。

Under applicable Supreme Court precedent, the Constitution does not categorically and permanently immunize a President for obstructing justice through the use of his Article II powers。 The separation-of-powers doctrine authorizes Congress to protect official proceedings, including those of courts and grand juries, from corrupt, obstructive acts regardless of their source。 We also concluded that any inroad on presidential authority that would occur from prohibiting corrupt acts does not undermine the President‘s ability to fulfill his constitutional mission。 The term “corruptly” sets a demanding standard。 It requires a concrete showing that a person acted with an intent to obtain an improper advantage for himself or someone else, inconsistent with official duty and the rights of others。 A preclusion of “corrupt” official action does not diminish the President’s ability to exercise Article II powers。 For example, the proper supervision of criminal law does not demand freedom for the President to act with a corrupt intention of shielding himself from criminal punishment, avoiding financial liability, or preventing personal embarrassment。 To the contrary, a statute that prohibits official action undertaken for such corrupt purposes furthers, rather than hinders, the impartial and evenhanded administration of the law。 It also aligns with the President‘s constitutional duty to faithfully execute the laws。 Finally, we concluded that in the rare case in which a criminal investigation of the President’s conduct is justified, inquiries to determine whether the Preside张钰淼nt acted for a corrupt motive should not impermissibly chill his performance of his constitutionally assigned duties。 The conclusion that Congress may apply the obstruction laws to the President‘s corrupt exercise of the powers of office accords with our constitutional system of checks and balances and the principle that no person is above the law。

依据适用的最高法院先例,“宪法”没有清晰或永久革除总统经过行使其第二条规则的权利而阻止司法公平的责任。三权分立准则授权国会维护官方诉讼程序,包含法院和大陪审团的诉讼程序,使其不受糜烂和阻止行为的影响,不管其来历为何。咱们还得出定论,制止糜烂行为对总统权利的任何侵略都不会危害总统实行其宪法任务的才能。“糜烂”一词有严厉的规范。它要求详细标明,一个人的行为目的为自己或别人取得不正当的优点,且不契合官方责任和别人的权利。扫除“糜烂”的官方行为并不削弱总统行使第二条权利的才能。例如,对刑法的恰当监督并不意味着总统有自在以糜烂的目的行事,以躲避刑事处分、躲避经济责任或防止个人的为难。相反,这种糜烂的官方行为的禁令促进,而不是阻止公平和公平的法令。这也契合总统忠诚实行法令的宪法责任。终究,咱们的定论是,在稀有的状况下,对总统的行为进行刑事查询是有道理的,为确认总统是否出于糜烂动机而采纳行为而进行的查询不会使他在实行宪法赋予的责任时遭到不被答应的冲击。国会能够对总统的糜烂行为选用阻止司法罪的法规,这契合咱们的宪法制衡准则和任何人都不能凌驾于法令之上的准则。

CONCLUSION

结语

Because we determined not to make a traditional prosecutorial judgment, we did not draw ultimate conclusions about the President‘s conduct。 The evidence we obtained about the President’s actions and intent presents difficult issues that would need to be resolved if we were making a traditional prosecutorial judgment。 At the same time, if we had confidence after a thorough investigation of the facts that the President clearly did not机油等级,448页通俄陈说出炉!美官方总结关键查询成果(之二),乳酸菌素片 commit obstruction of justice, we would so state。 Based on the facts and the applicable legal standards, we are unable to reach that judgment。 Accordingly, while this report does not conclude that the President committed a crime, it also does not exonerate him。

由于咱们决议不作出传统的申述判定,所以咱们没有对总统的行为作出终究的定论。咱们取得的有关总统行为和目的的依据彰显出一些扎手的问题,假如咱们作出传统的申述判定,就需求处理这些问题。与此一起,假如咱们在对现实进行完全查询后有决心下定论说总统没有阻止司法,咱们也会这样说。但是依据现实和适用的法令规范,咱们无法作出这一判定。因而,尽管本陈说没有得出总统违法的定论,但也不能宣告他赦罪。